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Political science — Monday, 1 December 2025

sample edition · 4 papers

An edition from the Political science collection.

American Journal of Political Science

Reviewing fast or slow: A theory of summary reversal in the judicial hierarchy

Alexander V. Hirsch, Anthony R. Taboni · American Journal of Political Science · 1 December 2025

Appellate courts with discretionary dockets have multiple ways to review lower courts. We develop a formal model that evaluates the trade‐offs between “full review”—which features full briefing, oral arguments, and signed opinions—versus “quick review,” where a higher court can summarily reverse a lower court. We show that having the option of costless summary reversal can increase compliance by lower courts but also distorts their behavior compared to relying only on costly full review. When the higher court is uncertain about the lower court's preferences, the threat of summary reversal can lead an aligned lower court to “pander” and issue the opposite disposition to that preferred by the higher court. Access to summary reversal can therefore harm the higher court in some circumstances. Our analysis provides a theoretical foundation for growing concern over the U.S. Supreme Court's “shadow docket”—of which summarily reversals are a component—which has been empirically focused to date.

Brokerage and patronage: Regional chambers of commerce and firm subsidies in China

Shenghua Lu · American Journal of Political Science · 17 November 2025

Although conventional wisdom suggests that corporations form groups to obtain policy benefits through lobbying, we argue that business interest groups can secure distributive benefits for their members without advocating for policy changes. We introduce broker theory, which posits that interest groups act as intermediaries, linking member firms with political patrons who deliver tangible favors. We test this theory by examining China's interprovincial chambers of commerce (CoCs). We show that firms receive more distributive benefits—measured by subsidies from local governments—after obtaining CoC memberships. We present two forms of heterogeneity that support the broker role of CoCs. First, patronage benefits emerge only in chambers with officials‐turned‐brokers, who facilitate access to political patrons. Second, transparency weakens subsidy brokering: The membership premium diminishes in regions with greater transparency in subsidy allocation. We also show that these patronage benefits are not driven by the policy influence of CoCs or by reduced local protectionism.

American Political Science Review

Attitudinal and Behavioral Legacies of Wartime Violence: A Meta-Analysis

Joan Barceló · American Political Science Review · 26 November 2025

Understanding the legacies of wartime violence is essential for explaining postwar dynamics and informing policy. I present a meta-analysis of 172 quantitative studies across more than 50 countries, assessing the effects of wartime violence on 22 outcomes spanning four broad areas: (a) civic and political engagement, prosociality, and trust; (b) attitudinal hardening toward wartime enemies; (c) identification with one’s own wartime-aligned group; and (d) generalized attitudinal hardening. The analysis reveals mixed effects on engagement, prosociality, and trust: while violence increases some forms of participation, it does not promote voting, trust, or altruism. In contrast, wartime violence consistently heightens hostility toward former adversaries and strengthens in-group identification and favoritism. However, I find little evidence of broader hardening toward actors not directly involved in the conflict. These results challenge optimistic claims that war fosters cohesion and underscore the need for interventions that reduce intergroup hostility, rebuild cross group-trust, and support reconciliation.

Threats and Commitments: International Tribunals and Domestic Trials in Peace Negotiations

Genevieve Bates · American Political Science Review · 21 November 2025

Does International Criminal Court (ICC) involvement affect the agreements parties to a civil conflict make, especially regarding matters of accountability? In this article, I argue that the ICC places a unique pressure on domestic elites negotiating peace in the wake of political violence. To avoid going to trial in the international arena, elites facing the threat of punishment have an incentive to agree to implement some form of domestic accountability, showing the Court that they can handle their own business. I evaluate my argument using data on the content of peace agreements negotiated between 2002 and 2019. I find that ICC involvement increases the probability that negotiators commit to accountability during peace processes. To explore potential mechanisms and more explicitly evaluate alternative explanations, I draw on case studies from Colombia and Sudan.

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database updated 2026-07-26T14:50:15Z | 4 works | 1301 journals | 5 authors